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We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice,

insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare,

and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this

Constitution for the United States of America.

And this be our motto: 'In God is our trust.'

And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wave

O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!





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Posted by tlc4usa on 12/31/08


An Open Letter To Congress

Diminished value of currency in circulation robs every citizen of purchasing power.

Spending over budget diminishes the value of currency in circulation.

Spending over budget robs every citizen.

Robbers are felons.

Felons are dishonorable.

Every Congressman that votes to spend over budget makes the dollar worth less.

Congress' duty is to control the budget and the value of the dollar, to strengthen the national economy.

Every Congressman that votes to spend over budget is a dishonorable felon.

Dishonorable felons that rob every citizen of purchasing power, force us to sacrifice our standard of living - take food off of our tables.

Dishonorable felons pretend they help us, as they force us to sacrifice our standard of living.

Dishonorable felons pretend that increased corporate profits help us, the people they rob.

Dishonorable felons pretended that moving corporate factories overseas helped us.

Moving factories overseas increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

The FDA increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Foreign aid increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Military bases on foriegn soils increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Wars increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Homeland security increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Uncontrolled credit increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Federal infrastructure projects increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Federal education projects increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Federal bailouts increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Interest on federal debt increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Federal spending increased corporate profits, by a sacrifice of our standard of living.

Federal spending, federal Congressional spending ruined our ecconomy.

Continued federal Congessional spending is making our economy worse.

Slahing federeal spending is required to fix the economy.

Honorable Congressmen will slash the federal budget that robs every citizen.

First, pay corporations the national debt that we owe them, with the dollars you devalued for them.

Pay your salaries, the president's, the vice president's, the cabinet's, the judges' salaries.

Pay social security. Pay incentives to opt out of social security.

Close foreign bases, and pay incentives for early outs, to slash 33% from the military and VA budgets.

Buy food to feed starving masses in FEMA, and homeland security camps - not prisons - that citizens can leave as they will.

Raise individual standard deduction to $30,000, to feed ourselves and rebuild from the bottom up.

Close corporate tax loopholes and incentives, and fine oil monopoly, to pay the national debt, and the budget.

Slash everything else from the budget. Everything else is/are niceties that we'll do without, sacrifice, so we can feed ourselves, while we citizens rebuild the economy that Congress ruined.

Our sacrifices have made corporations wealthy enough.

Citizens are homeless, unemployed, and starving, because Congressmen robbed them.

Leave us something to feed ourselves and replace factories that were here before you robbed us.




Poll: Is this an appropriate letter to Congress?

Yes. I would make a minor correction and send it to my Congressman.
It is just 'ok'.
No. It is not appropriate to send to my Congressman, at this time.
No. It is too general, to vague.
No. It is too harsh or to dramatic.
No. It is too wordy.
No. It is too short.
No. it requires a couple of corrections.
No. It is somewhat too flawed.
No. It is way too flawed.

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6 votes so far. [View Results]





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Posted by tlc4usa on 01/09/09


 

CREDIT

Scarcity of credit increases value of the dollar, because demand for dollars exceeds supply. Prudent consumer lending keeps the economy mildly dependant on debt, neither starving for loans, nor recklessly spending.

Fed routinely buys and sells s/t T-Bills, and bonds when necessary, from the Treasury, to actively control consumer interest rates, and thus consumer credit.

Fed extends credit to consumers, through banks, and directly to the Treasury. When Congress overspends, Fed buys bonds, effectively printing money. That devalues the dollar.

BURDEN SHIFT TO CONSUMERS

Wasteful Congressional spending causes dollar devaluation, by adding to supply, and decreasing purchasing power.

Unemployed and retired most acutely experience the decrease in pruchasing power, lower thermostadts in the winter, eat less healthy, less expensive food. Many eventually lose their savings and their homes.

ECONOMIC TURMOIL MADE CERTAIN

Renegade Congressmen funded export of factories, and went on an enormous spending binge. Congress passed laws to force banks to make risky loans. Unqualified consumers invested in housing assets to hedge against dollar devaluation.

Fed callously over-extended consumer credit, for several years, to create an economic frensy. July '08, Fed made certian our economic turmoil, by suddenly cutting off consumer credit, and requiring more bank reserves.

Printed money filters through the banks to the economy. But banks are holding the cash, building their reserves, unable to make loans, in the economic turmoil created by the Fed.

Duped consumers, unemployed masses, deep in debt, in a shrinking economy, pay the economic burden of Fed credit manipulation and renegade Congressional spending. The victims pay the burden, with a drastically lower standard of living.

CONTINUED RECKLESS CONGRESSIONAL SPENDING

Sept '08, as well as to cover current deficiet spending, Treasury instructed Fed to rescue favored banks, by buying bad loans, a combined total of $800Bn, in one month.

To absorb excess bank liquidity from bank sales of bad loans, and postpone consumer spending, Treasury also instructed Fed to sell banks $500Bn in special SFP T-Bills. $500Bn bad loans, backed by assets, may possibly be liquidated by the Treasury, at fifty cents on the dollar. Net l/t effect is likely $550Bn printed money in one month.

To cover more deficeit spending, Fed bought $400Bn bonds, the next month.

PEOPLE ADAPT

"Bad management and the panic of 1819 made it necessary to take over large quantities of real estate.... Out of this hostility of the people and the politicians grew state legislation intended to check or distroy the federal incorporated institution...."

 

pg587 The Life of Andrew Jackson by John Spencer Bassett,Ph.d. copyrite 1911 reprinted 1925

"I was aware the bank question would be disapproved by all the sordid and interested who prize self-interest more than the perpetuity of our liberty, and the blessings of a free republican government. . . The confidence reposed by my country dictated to my conscience that now was the proper time, and, although I disliked to act contrary to the opinion of so great a majority of my cabinet, I could not shrink from the duty so imperious to the safety and purity of our free institutions as I considered this to be. I have brought it before the people, and I have confidence that they will do their duty. pg602

"...their were many average men who believed that the accumulation of great wealth in the hands of one corporation threatened liberty...." pg 620 "The nation was not wise enough to excercise political oversight over so large a machine as the bank. It had a feeling that a corporation as powerful as this was dangerous to liberty, and it would not be shown otherwise. pg629

Jackson frequently declared for" a complete divorce of the government from all banks":.... pg630 "It pleased the masses to know that their hero would not relax his hold on the bank." pg648

People adapted to the financial distress, and the poignancy of suffering passed, in the 1830s, after Andrew Jackson closed the then too powerful national bank. "February 26, Governor Wolf, of Pennsylvania, a consistent democrat, formerly friendly to the bank, sent a message to the legislature charging the bank with producing the pressure in the money market "to accomplish certain objects indispensible to its existence." In New York at Govenor Marcy's suggestion the state issued six millions of stock to be loaned to the [state] banks to relieve their embarassment. pg 652

"... state legislators voted instructions to senators, and senators gave place to others who came fresh from the convinced people until the complexion of the senate was changed. pg654 "The time had come when the poeple did not follow a senate vote blindly.... The old school of politicians, Clay among them, were apt to think to little of the average man's abilty to understand their real motives." pg 655

Just like the The Second Bank of the United States, chartered in 1816, the Fed ruined the economy. It can no longer use that threat against us.

The masses realized Congress and the national bank were out of control, and demanded the bank be abolished, to return to sound monetary policy; After demise of the national bank, individual banks resumed prudent consumer lending. The economy gradually recovered and grew again.

Drastic Congressional budget cuts and prudent consumer lending, by banks no longer contoled by the Fed, are the only solution, for the economic ruin created by renegade Congressional spending and Fed credit manipulation.





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Posted by tlc4usa on 11/08/08
Last updated 11/12/08


Not Yours To Give

 

Col. David Crockett
US Representative from Tennessee

Originally published in "The Life of Colonel David Crockett,"
by Edward Sylvester Ellis.





One day in the House of Representatives a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose:

"Mr. Speaker--I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this House, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress has not the power to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it. We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please in charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the day of his death, and I have never heard that the government was in arrears to him.

"Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as charity. Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much money of our own as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and if every member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks."

He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as, no doubt, it would, but for that speech, it received but few votes, and, of course, was lost.

Later, when asked by a friend why he had opposed the appropriation, Crockett gave this explanation:

"Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast as we could. In spite of all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families made houseless, and, besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many women and children suffering, I felt that something ought to be done for them. The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as soon as it could be done.

"The next summer, when it began to be time to think about election, I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I did not know what might turn up. When riding one day in a part of my district in which I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to the fence. As he came up, I spoke to the man. He replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly.

"I began: 'Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings called
candidates, and---‘


"Yes I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before, and voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you had better not waste your time or mine, I shall not vote for you again."

"This was a sockdolager...I begged him to tell me what was the matter.

" ’Well, Colonel, it is hardly worth-while to waste time or words upon it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution, or that you are wanting in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg your pardon for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting or wounding you. I intend by it only to say that your understanding of the Constitution is very different from mine; and I will say to you what, but for my rudeness, I should not have said, that I believe you to be honest.
…But an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the more honest he is.'

" 'I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any constitutional question.’

“ ‘No, Colonel, there’s no mistake. Though I live in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown. Is that true?’

" ‘Well, my friend; I may as well own up. You have got me there. But certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours should give the insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury, and I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I did.'

" ‘It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing with the question. The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be entrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays in proportion to his means. What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the weight centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can ever guess how much he pays to the government. So you see, that while you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off than he. If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000. If you have the right to give to one, you have the right to give to all; and, as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any and everything which you may believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you may think proper. You will very easily perceive what a wide door this would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand, and for robbing the people on the other. 'No, Colonel, Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please, but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this county as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of Congress would have thought of appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing each one week's pay, it would have made over $13,000. There are plenty of wealthy men in and around Washington who could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life.' "The congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true, some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington, no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of giving by giving what was not yours to give. The people have delegated to Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.'

" 'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger to the country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I cannot vote for you.'

"I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this man should go to talking, he would set others to talking, and in that district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, and the fact is, I was so fully convinced that he was right, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to him:

" ‘Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had not sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by it, and thought I had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches in Congress about the powers of Congress, but what you have said here at your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches I ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would have put my head into the fire before I would have given that vote; and if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot.'

"He laughingly replied; 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once before, but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you are convinced that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do more good than beating you for it. If, as you go around the district, you will tell people about this vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong, I will not only vote for you, but will do what I can to keep down opposition, and, perhaps, I may exert some little influence in that way.'

" ‘If I don't’, said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that I am in earnest in what I say I will come back this way in a week or ten days, and if you will get up a gathering of the people, I will make a speech to them. Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it.'

" ‘No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can then afford a day for a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting it up on Saturday week. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together, and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you.’

" 'Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-bye. I must know your name.’

" 'My name is Bunce.'

" 'Not Horatio Bunce?'

" 'Yes.’

" 'Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before, though you say you have seen me, but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud that I may hope to have you for my friend.'

"It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and for a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words but in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him, before, I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have had opposition, and had been beaten. One thing is very certain, no man could now stand up in that district under such a vote.

"At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and I found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me stronger than I had ever seen manifested before.

"Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and, under ordinary circumstances, should have gone early to bed, I kept him up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before.

"I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him - no, that is not the word - I reverence and love him more than any living man, and I go to see him two or three times every year; and I will tell you, sir, if every one who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does, the religion of Christ would take the world by storm.

"But to return to my story. The next morning we went to the barbecue, and, to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around until I had got pretty well acquainted - at least, they all knew me.

"In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered up around a stand that had been erected. I opened my speech by saying:

" ‘Fellow-citizens - I present myself before you today feeling like a new man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice, or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever been able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.’"

"I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying:

" ‘And now, fellow-citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that the most of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced me of my error.

" ‘It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is entitled to the
credit for it. And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and that he will get up here and tell you so.'

"He came upon the stand and said:

" ‘Fellow-citizens - It affords me great pleasure to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised you today.'

"He went down, and there went up from that crowd such a shout for Davy Crockett as his name never called forth before.'

"I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the honors I have received and all the reputation I have ever made, or ever shall make, as a member of Congress.'

"Now, sir," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech yesterday.

"There is one thing now to which I will call your attention. You remember that I proposed to give a week's pay. There are in that House many very wealthy men - men who think nothing of spending a week's pay, or a dozen of them, for a dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt of gratitude which the country owed the deceased--a debt which could not be paid by money--and the insignificance and worthlessness of money, particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000, when weighed against the honor of the nation. Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money with them is nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people. But it is the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain it."





Categories: US Constitution, Ethics, Federal Legislation, Economy, Congress
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Showing comments 1—1 of 1

Posted 11/22/08

Talbert Black Jr
Lexington, SC
One of my favorites! Glad to see someone has posted it.


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