Carl Wicklander's weblog
Originally published at Uncouth Ruminations
If there is one reason people are considering supporting former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney for president, it's because he's considered "electable," meaning he has a fair shot to defeat President Obama in 2012.
If there was one thing that hampered Romney's 2008 campaign it was the perception that he was a flip-flopper, a role which earned him the nickname "Multiple Choice Mitt."
While trying to present himself as a conservative, and even winning the endorsement of National Review, Romney was dogged by a very recent and probably very politically calculated switch from pro-choice on abortion to pro-life. This from a man who minced no words in assuring Massachusetts voters during a 2002 gubernatorial debate that he would "preserve and protect a woman's right to choose."
A more pressing issue for the 2012 presidential primaries is the national health care scheme passed by the last Congress. The plan that served as the model for Obamacare infamously bears the signature of Governor Mitt Romney.
Knowing that the Republican nominee in 2012 will have to campaign against Obama's landmark achievement, the president must be licking his lips knowing that a likely opponent of his will have to contort himself in an attempt to effectively campaign against himself. Voters would be sure to be reminded of another Massachusetts presidential candidate who also voted for something before he voted against it.
As of this writing, there is speculation that real estate mogul and reality TV star Donald Trump is running for president. Considering that a reality TV star may be a presidential contender should tell us that the line between reality and fantasy is already blurred.
Like Romney, Trump had always been pro-choice until he thought about running for president. Now "The Donald," a philandering, casino-running, beauty pageant-owning egomaniac has gotten religion. Doing an interview for the Christian Broadcasting Network, one that looks more like The Onion than anything else, Trump is now telling us how much he loves the Bible, how much he loves sending people Bibles, and how great it is going to church.
So now it appears that Trump is doing what Romney has done for years, trying to convince us that he is not what he has always been: an empty suit who will say anything to advance himself.
Last week, a few reports surfaced on the Drudge Report where Trump, on separate occasions, labeled both George W. Bush and Obama has "the worst president ever."
Shortly after the 2008 presidential election, Trump called Bush "evil" and even though he supported John McCain, he felt comfortable with President-elect Obama because he would govern by "consensus" and not rush off to war in a bull-headed manner like Bush. On the one hand, this may only mean that Trump was one among millions snookered by the smooth rhetoric of candidate Obama. But on the other hand, one has to wonder, if Trump believed Bush was bull-headed and rash in going to war, what had he ever seen in McCain's character and temperament that led him to believe the Arizona Republican would have been any different?
Even though Trump has traditionally supported Democrats and before he supported McCain, he preferred Hillary Clinton, which might give us a clue about how "The Donald" feels about government-run health care.
Like much of the current appeal of a Romney candidacy, the reason conservatives seem to be giving for supporting Trump is that he has a chance to beat Obama.
But if Republicans choose Trump, what does that say?
It means that after a lifetime of supporting Democrats and Democratic causes, all a celebrity like Trump has to do is start saying a few of the right things and he suddenly has conservative bona fides.
Are Republicans and conservatives so eager to make a Faustian Bargain to regain control of the White House that anyone, regardless of all the evidence against them, will do so long as they read the right lines?
Time will tell.
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Posted 04/24/11
 ErnieRuest Peabody, MA | Trump's popularity surge is an indictment of the public in general. The biggest hurdle for actual reform (or a 3rd party candidacy) is the short attention span of the general citizenry in general. Trump is a name. An image. A face. Sadly, that is going to have a measure of appeal to an intellectually lazy electorate. |
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Originally published at Uncouth Ruminations
So now Barack Obama has joined the presidential wars club.
By engaging militarily in Libya without even the veneer of congressional authorization, Ohio representative Dennis Kucinich suggested that the president's actions are "an impeachable offense." He's been derided by members of his own party, but Kucinich is right. If unconstitutionally sending the U.S. military to intervene in another nation's civil war is not an impeachable offense then nothing is.
While there have been no declarations of war since World War II, presidents have routinely circumvented the Constitution's clearly stated clause that only Congress can declare war by calling their decisions a "police action" or getting a watered-down resolution. There is some debate concerning whether the president may order military action in an immediate emergency and then call Congress once the emergency stage has passed. But what's happening in Libya in no way resembles an emergency that requires the president to act unilaterally and without constitutional authority. Instead, the former professor of constitutional law has allowed the UN Security Council resolution to serve as the supreme law of the land.
But the UN Security Council resolution only authorizes that there may be "all necessary measures" to "protect Libyan citizens." If the Authorization for Use of Military Force legislation of 2001 was a blank check for President Bush, then what is this? Just what does "all necessary measures" to "protect Libyan citizens" mean?
Now that Obama has plunged the United States into this civil war, what are our objectives in protecting Libyan citizens?
By intervening in the first place, Obama has assured that the only possible outcome of this conflict means Gaddafi is dethroned. By entering on the side of the rebels, Obama has staked his claim. To offer limited assistance and then pull away is to condemn the rebels to the mercy of Gaddafi.
Why intervene on the side of the rebels unless it is to see them to victory? And if we take them across the finish line, how then does the new government in a fragile, fractious country operate unless it is propped up? What of Gaddafi's fighters? As students of history should know, the losers in a civil war do not often lay down all their weapons and celebrate the peace when the war is declared "over."
So why intervene in the first place? Is it because the UN said it was okay? If so, Obama has done nothing less than cede American sovereignty.
What vital American national interests are involved in who rules a cobbled-together kingdom of the northern Sahara?
Consider this: Moammar Gaddafi seized power over 40 years ago. Why is it that only now he is such a menace to American national interests that he must be confronted? It's been over 22 years since Gaddafi's only successful aggression against the United States, the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103. Although 190 Americans died that day there was no military action taken against the "Mad Dog of the Middle East." If no previous president from Reagan to George W. Bush felt the mass murder of American civilians was worth retaliating against Gaddafi, why does protecting the lives of Libyan citizens merit it now?
As the Arab League bails out it becomes increasingly clear that it will only be the United States policing this conflict. Great Britain and France may have led the initial charge to act but countries facing insolvency are not long for occupations.
To invoke General Petraeus in 2003, how does this end?
By involving the United States, Obama makes this his war, regardless of whether Hillary or Samantha Power bullied him into it. If he calls off the whole shebang, he will have made himself into a fool by first declaring "Gaddafi must go," doing nothing for two weeks before reluctantly inserting American firepower, and ultimately leaving Libya with Gaddafi still in power having outlasted the strongest military on the planet with his third-rate army.
So now President Obama has taken us to war. He has taken us to war in a country where no national interests are at stake and he did so without the slightest acknowledgement from Congress. His actions have left the door open for more naked acts of aggression in the future.
Now is as good a time as any for that neglected congress to grow a backbone, reclaim their constitutional authority to declare war and finally put a stop to these presidential wars.
It's time for Speaker Boehner to make a real stand and assert one of his chamber's remaining power: The power to impeach the president for high crimes and misdemeanors.
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Posted 03/25/11
 Willij4lib Monroe, WA | Maybe that story is true, we are the worlds military might for Great Britain and President Obama is really working for someone else pretending to be for America.
The actions and the results will be the common denominator of the real truth, wont they? |
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Originally published at Uncouth Ruminations
Under discussion: The Tea Party Goes to Washington by Rand Paul with Jack Hunter, 272 pages, $21.99, Hardcover.
What is the Tea Party? Is it the refashioned conservative movement? Is it the reaction to a new liberal Democratic president? Or worst of all, is the Tea Party just a bunch of astroturfing-Fox News-watching-racist rednecks? In The Tea Party Goes to Washington, Kentucky senator Rand Paul begins to give us an answer.
The Tea Party, according to Senator Paul, is a reaction to the big spending of Washington and a desire to curtail the power of the federal government. The trouble, or virtue, of a movement without a central hierarchy is that there is no unified message or platform. There have been a few attempts to present an official Tea Party message but A Tea Party Manifesto and That's No Angry Mob - That's My Mom are mostly relegated to the bargain shelf at Borders. If there is a difference between earlier attempts at a Tea Party synthesis and Rand Paul's it's that the current volume is attached to the platform of a victorious candidate. Since winning, Marco Rubio has shunned the Tea Party label he rode to election, exposing himself as the Bush family agent that he always was, while Tea Party losers Joe Miller, Christine O'Donnell, and Sharron Angle are already largely forgotten. So without the competing versions, the Rand Paul incarnation of the Tea Party shines brighter. And considering the contents of The Tea Party Goes to Washington, it's sure to ruffle the feathers of anyone who would like to see the Tea Party either go away or be co-opted by the Republican Party altogether.
A note is needed first on the aesthetics of the book. The cover art depicts the Capitol Dome being squeezed by a belt, indicative of the diet Washington needs. But what's most intriguing about the cover is what's not there: a picture of the author himself. Mitt Romney, Sarah Palin, Mike Huckabee, and Newt Gingrich - all presidential contenders - all adorn the covers of their books.
Nor is this unique to politicians. Talk show hosts Mark Levin, Sean Hannity, Keith Olbermann, and Chris Matthews all have their mugs defacing the covers of their books. This is no coincidence. Most of the people hawking books are not actually interested in ideas but only in advancing themselves. Will someone tell me what would be the primary difference between a Huckabee candidacy and a Romney one? What's in Sean Hannity's book that's not in Mark Levin's? The difference is only in personality and style. The fact that Senator Paul is absent from the front cover (although not the back where he is pictured with his smiling wife) indicates that the book is more about his ideas than about himself personally.
The book itself is charming because it is part autobiography and part agenda. Facing the first page of every chapter is a photo, including pictures from the senator's childhood as Ron Paul's son and several with his own family from the campaign trail. While these images and stories from the campaign and his life are affectionate and reinforce the already-present human side of Rand Paul, the most lasting impression in the book is how radical it is. Radical not in the sense that the senator should fear being dragged before Peter King's inquisition, but radical in how there are real ideas in the book and not shallow talking points.
This radicalism is evident even before the first page of the text. Rand Paul's selection of a co-author is Jack Hunter, a so-far obscure South Carolina columnist and radio commentator known to many by his alias, The Southern Avenger. This choice of co-author is remarkable because Hunter, a veteran of both the Ron Paul Revolution and the Buchanan Brigades, proto-Tea Party movements, had, like Rand Paul, also never written a book. It is not for nothing that Rand Paul's collaborator was not an accomplished ghost writer but an authentic voice of the grassroots Right.
The fingerprints of the co-author are everywhere to be found. Chapter 3, "Equal Parts Chastisement, Republicans and Democrats" is vintage Jack Hunter, including a brief introduction to the neoconservatives and treatment of Fred Barnes' sycophantic 2003 Wall Street Journal article "Big Government Conservatism" where the Weekly Standard veteran condoned and justified George W. Bush's growth of government. Rand Paul sees the disconnect among Republicans who took this sort of blind eye to the Republican Bush's growth but are enraged by the Democrat Obama's growth. "Consider this - what kind of person would talk about how badly the neighbors' kids behave while ignoring the bad behavior of their own children?" (62) is a phrase Mr. Hunter's listeners have heard a time or two. Not to be outdone, Rand Paul reminds Democrats that they are just as guilty of looking the other way when their man does the same crime:
"Contrary to his supporters' belief, Obama's agenda has not been a reversal of Bush's agenda but an extension of it, only more ambitious in scope and even more reckless in spending. Amazingly, and perhaps ironically, even on the issues that once animated the Left against the Republicans - prolonged war, civil liberties infringements, the further empowerment of the executive branch - Obama has basically maintained the same policies as his predecessor, and in some cases has expanded them." (59)
And this was before Obama reinstituted indefinite detention at Guantanamo Bay. One wonders if waterboarding will be next.
But nowhere is the radicalism more evident than in Chapter 7, "A Conservative Foreign Policy," and nowhere else is it more evident that Rand Paul is indeed his father's son. In this important chapter, the reader is treated to discussions of the neoconservative influence on foreign policy, the long-forgotten Senator Robert Taft, and a call to end nation-building.
Outside of the often insular conservative movement, there is scant attention or even acknowledgement of the existence of the neoconservatives and to find a discussion of this sect of interlopers in a U.S. senator's book is more than just a breath of fresh air - it is a torrent, especially when there are phrases peppered in like "a Republican Party tainted by neoconservative ideology."
The importance of the issues discussed in this chapter have been brought up before in Ron Paul's books and more academic treatises, but the blessing in Rand Paul's book is that he makes arguments that got his father booed without incurring the same wrath himself. In other words, Rand Paul takes foreign policy, an issue on which there was no allowable dissent during the Bush years, and presents it in a way that can be accepted by conservatives:
"The great irony is that conservatives preach individual responsibility and reliance domestically but practice policies abroad that create dependence on foreign aid and dependence on foreign soldiers. Where conservatives will ask the domestically unemployed to seek work and become independent of government welfare, abroad we let nations depend on our succor. We don't demand the same self-reliance internationally that we do domestically." (131-132)
If there are a couple of faults with The Tea Party Goes to Washington they have to do with the frequent references to his father. Littered throughout the text are phrases like "My father always says . . ." or "My dad believes . . ." but these are only slightly distracting. This is not necessarily Rand Paul's fault - it just proves he came from a stable home and his father was obviously around enough to influence him - but this may expose the younger Paul to criticism among the uneducated that he is just a clone of his father.
There were also a couple of minor historical errors regarding years. On page 144, Gerald Ford is referred to as the moderate candidate for president in 1974, the year Ford ascended to the presidency, not the year he was a candidate for president, which was 1976. Then on page 154, Neville Chamberlain is said to have signed a peace treaty with Germany in 1939, the "appeasement" of Hitler. The author is probably thinking about the Munich Agreement which was in 1938. The Tea Party Goes to Washington, with over four pages of recommended books and websites at the end, is undeniably a book about not just ideas, but fresh ideas.
The Republican establishment did its best to wall Rand Paul out of the U.S. Senate during the 2010 primary, in much the same way they did to his father at the 2008 Republican National Convention, a sleight that does not go unnoticed by the son.
It's easy to see why.
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Originally published at Uncouth Ruminations
What is racism? That's a good question these days. It might be easier to define the meaning of life in one sentence.
Americans are already overwhelmed about race. Ethnic studies and diversity seminars are as much a part of contemporary university campuses as the football team. Every week our government and media masters inform the peasantry that we require a (new) Conversation on Race and someone the other day told me that we now have our first black president.
What we know about racism is like what George Orwell said about fascism, that it 'has no meaning except in so far as it signifies something not desirable.'
We have been particularly bombarded with "evidence" of "racism" lately.
There is still smoke emanating from the Shirley Sherrod-firing-rehiring fiasco. New Black Panther Samir Shabazz's clarion call to kill cracker babies still shocks anyone except those familiar with the New Black Panthers.
Everyday for awhile it seemed like another vulgar recording of Mel Gibson surfaced with Mel using another one of those words.
His rants were more painful than shocking, but they were also words in what was meant to be a private conversation.
This is bandied about by the tolerance-mongers as proof that Mel is a racist. Of course, the faster one denounces Mel and calls him a dirty racist, the more racially enlightened one is, or so the logic would seem.
Even Shirley Sherrod's case is an exercise in silliness. Although she's been exonerated, mostly by a liberal press embarrassed to have been snookered by some simple editing from Andrew Breitbart, the infamous video still catches her imputing racism to President Obama's opponents. Even then, it's hard to see how her own purported racism would affect her performance as a USDA state director of rural development, a bureaucratic post that should probably be eliminated anyway.
But there is certainly more than thought crimes going on.
A political appointee is about to be rewarded with a lifetime appointment to the highest court in the land and it seems normal. Chris Dodd, one of the chief clowns who both perpetuated and benefited from the housing scam gets to write the "financial reform bill" with nary a peep. Meanwhile, July ends as the deadliest month in a nine year war. Like racism, the national interest in Afghanistan seems to have as protean a definition.
Of particular importance to Americans should be what this all says us.
The sad truth is that charges of racism are not likely to end anytime soon. Not only is it hopeless (and bloody) to attempt perfecting mankind, but because charging someone with racism is simply too valuable, convenient, and probably fun for any of its users to surrender.
The ruling class definitely has no intention of letting racism, real or imagined, fade into memory - to its own benefit.
The fastest way to silence opposition, the race racket gets outright encouragement from our overlords. We contaminate political discussion ourselves when we launch into self-righteous diatribes. Out go questions about constitutionality - in comes whether some minutiae in a speech pandering to Muslims means President Obama is secretly a Muslim.
Democrats, who were once the party of segregation, have been the masters of this but Republicans, and many of their partisans who have joined this highly-received but poorly-written farce, are catching up.
It's not too surprising. There are few satisfactions greater than getting to assail someone else as a racist. It's a not-so-thinly veiled pat-on-the-back.
But it is for all these reasons that our ruling class cherishes these squabbles. Instead of Nero fiddling while Rome burned it's the citizenry.
Maybe Americans aren't actually interested in citizenship and civic responsibility. Maybe politics and current events are just another form of entertainment and playing the racist game is just everyone's favorite episode.
As a game, it's just another way for a dreadfully narcissistic culture to fall further in love with itself and where a Republican or Democrat winning office is no more impactful than which Kardashian sister is dating which sports star.
Instead of issues like the Constitution, natural rights, and peace consuming our creative energies, perhaps this is the republic we actually want.
And get.
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Posted 07/26/10
 celticreeler Rolla, MO |
What a good post!
It's a highly useful distraction--"Look, look, at that racism over there," as the hand points urgently, while the other hand is busy eroding freedom, seizing wealth of all types, and enslaving the citizenry. The strife that is being fomented between the races will be added to the class strife (the result of mostly government spreading that terrible poison, class envy) and the generational strife (again, the result of the crushing tax burden levied on the young producers to support the decrepit Social Security and Medicare shell games). Martial law will be required to rein us all in. |
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Originally published at Uncouth Ruminations and cross-posted at The Humble Libertarian
"I don't like the idea of telling private business owners - I abhor racism, I think it's a bad business decision to ever exclude anybody from your restaurant - but at the same time I do believe in private ownership but I think there should be absolutely no discrimination in anything that gets any public funding."
- Rand Paul, May 20, 2010
Fresh off a resounding primary win, Rand Paul didn't leave himself much time for a "honeymoon" this week when he inadvertently uttered one of the Things You're Not Allowed To Say.
Just what did he say? Did he espouse the merits of racism? Did he lament that the country did not elect Strom Thurmond's Dixiecrats in 1948? Did our good and benevolent media handlers, who cannot possibly have an agenda of their own, catch Rand changing out of his surgical scrubs and into his Klan hood?
Rather, Rand Paul made a statement intolerable to our political and cultural elites when he suggested that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was not infallible.
In fact, there was nothing in the above quote that was even inconsistent with his philosophy.
Rand Paul's entire campaign thus far has been about keeping government out of the lives of private citizens. Do the liberals (and a conservative establishment altogether unhappy with this marriage) want us to believe that Rand's whole campaign, nay, whole life dedicated to preserving the privacy and rights of the individual was just part of a grand scheme to reinstitute segregated lunch counters?
It wasn't enough to say that racism is wrong. It wasn't enough to point out the economic stupidity inherent to discrimination practiced by business owners. Rand Paul's detractors, both Left and Right, show us that the only acceptable way to be absolved or recused of racism is to faithfully recite the court history.
Always tenuous in his relationship with the Republican Party, whose full support he needs, a chastened Dr. Paul, with all the passion of a church heretic choosing expediency over burning at the steak, has backpedaled by saying that he would have undoubtedly supported the Civil Rights Act, a position he implied in the first place. Perhaps now that he says he believes all the articles of the government catechism, the Inquisition of Acceptable Opinion will pull back on the reins.
But this is unlikely to end as this is only the second act of a play we've already seen.
The Democrats have naturally lacerated Rand. They are loathe to ever pass up an opportunity to project their bloated sense of moral superiority at anyone who disagrees with them by labeling them a racist or bigot. Perhaps even less surprising is how the GOP has turned its back and tepidly cheered on the Left's hysterics.
The Republicans, who are none too happy that Rand pummeled their candidate of choice, finally have a reason to throw him to the wolves. For a candidate whom they have no passionate attachment, cutting the rope comes naturally and easily. Therefore, it is unsurprising that the party who left Jim Bunning to twist in the wind has given the same treatment to his potential successor.
While there is a fair amount of criticism about Rand Paul's campaign, particularly among libertarians, that he is so reviled by his party's establishment, both before and after a landslide primary victory, shows that his enemies still see him as a legitimate threat to cut against the grain of his party. And that is what cannot be tolerated.
Despite all of this, it's still doubtful this will sink the 25-point lead Rand currently holds over his opponent. Try as they might, the Democrats cannot put "macaca" in his mouth.
But Rand Paul has been here before.
Last December, a prominent staffer resigned when racist content was found on his myspace.com page. Although the staffer, Chris Hightower, did not author the substance, he did leave it alone, an indication that he values a person's right to the freedom of speech, even when it's detestable.
Likewise, Rand Paul never condoned racism or discrimination but only nodded that property rights are sacred in the western tradition, even when the holders themselves are repulsive.
But the point is that Rand Paul has survived this sort of controversy before. He kept on his message of rejecting government interference and balancing the budget, even when his primary opponent tried to use this incident as a club in evidence of Rand's "strange ideas."
Yet, Rand Paul is still naturally strong in this race. He's the indisputably conservative candidate in an indisputably conservative state.
"Gotcha" questions like these will come up again. The successful distraction caused by this kerfuffle only proves that it will come up again because the more time we spend talking about 46-year-old legislation that is not about to be repealed means there will be less time to talk about dangerously inflated budgets that are sinking the economy.
Rand Paul needs to get together with his team to prepare for every possible contingency because the next irrelevant question is already being cooked up.
Otherwise, damage control will have to be added to his list of talking points.
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Posted 05/27/10
 celticreeler Rolla, MO | Great piece; enjoyed it.
Isn't it ludicrous, that the debate is controlled by these clowns who are so complicit in the looting of our country? When the entire country's infrastructure is IN HOCK to foreign governments, they try to extort a confession from Rand Paul, and demand he cede them the moral high ground?
Intolerable! |
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